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It is likely that it was these kinds of suspicions that led to an increased number of travel bans against several prominent human rights activists, including Hossam Bahgat, Gamal Eid, Mohamed Zarie, Aida Seif al-Dawla, Mozn Hassan and Azza Soliman. These activists also face charges of illegally receiving foreign funds and some have had their assets frozen by court order.
According to several observers, the plan’s goals, although positive for Saudi Arabia in the long-term, are not compatible with country’s political, social and economic context. “Basically, the regime could collapse by implementing their own plan, but they might also collapse if they don’t,” Kirkegaard explained. “They are in deep structural trouble, and that’s not counting the geopolitical pressure they face over their continued involvement in Syria and Yemen.”
Fouda spoke out against the Supreme Council of Armed Forces and Mohamed Morsi. Later, he became critical of the military-led coalition by General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. In Egypt’s current media environment, which has become more restrictive than under Mubarak, it is unlikely that he would find work at home.
The 21st-century Turkish media environment is steadily worsening. Moreover, during Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s tenure as prime minister (2003-2014) and now president – and particularly since the 2016 failed coup attempt and subsequent state of emergency – journalists have been subjected to increasing harassment, intimidation and arrest in a government bid to ensure a more compliant press.
Through his role in the island case, Ali has become the face of Egypt’s secular revolutionaries, who were the driving force of the Arab Spring protests in 2011. His detention follows a spate of arrests targeting media and opposition figures, in what rights groups have called Egypt’s harshest crackdown on dissent in decades.
In the years since, the UAE has considered fighting the Muslim Brotherhood locally, regionally and globally a top priority. Using its financial influence and political links, the UAE has been turning decision makers in the United States and Western Europe against political Islam in general and the Muslim Brotherhood in particular.
Qatar adopted an ‘open foreign policy’, relying mostly on soft power tools such as the media, diplomacy, economy, humanitarian aid and generous donations. Doha’s strategy was to maintain good relations with all of its neighbours, regardless of their contradictory policies towards each other, notably Iran and Saudi Arabia. However, it maintained ties with several of the West’s adversaries, including Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood.
The main problem that triggered the rift was never healed. Even though the Qataris toned down al-Jazeera’s coverage, closed the al-Jazeera office in Cairo and evicted a few Muslim Brotherhood members from the Qatari capital Doha, its ambition to be a regional actor never wavered, neither did its links with a host of political Islamists across the region, enraging the UAE, which has zero tolerance for the Muslim Brotherhood.
More than an experiment, these local councils and their different models of governance could be pivotal in the post-war reconstruction process. Additionally, Russia’s increasing recognition of the value of local councils could help promote a dialogue between all the parties involved in the conflict.
For many Egyptians, the army’s increasing economic involvement is no cause for concern. The question is whether a larger military involvement in the economy is in line with the IMF reform programme, which aims ‘to address deep-seated structural impediments to growth and job creation, and create an enabling environment for private sector development’.
The new freedoms covered in the decree are activites that most of the rest of the world regard as basic human rights: Go to the hospital, get a job, study, appear in court and file a police complaint without male permission. Despite those advances, Saudi women and girls still live with pervasive discrimination. They cannot study or travel abroad without approval from a husband, father, son or another male relative.
Bouteflika’s fourth term ends in 2019. It seems likely that Algeria’s political future will remain in a flux until – or perhaps beyond – then. As if to underscore that point, FLN chief Djmel Ould Abbes last October 2016 floated the spectre that Bouteflika may even run for another term “if he wishes.”
Pumuk continues to write and publish actively. However, some members of a new generation of Turks believe that the old conflicts between Western modernity and Eastern tradition have been resolved decidedly in favour of Turkey’s Ottoman past. Thus it is difficult to see Pamuk’s writings carrying the same resonance in this new future as it had before. It may be that Orhan Pamuk’s era as the voice of modern Turkey is growing fainter.
The need for money partly may be why the antiquities ministry turned the Tuna El-Gebel discovery into a media circus. It organized a two-day, all-inclusive press tour, including a coach tour in Minya and dinner with El-Enany. During the meal, El-Enany admitted that his own ministry overplayed the news.